A pulquera from Potosí recognizes that this ancestral drink today is undergoing a process of resignification that seeks to retake the historical role of women as guardians and disseminators of this culture.
From the royal roads of the sixteenth century to the neighborhood pulquerías, pulque has marked the cultural and economic identity of San Luis Potosí.
In the context of National Pulque Day, which is celebrated on the first Sunday of February, Olivia Monserrat Michelle Hernández, owner of the Coneja de la Luna grocery store, spoke in an interview with EL UNIVERSAL San Luis Potosí about the deep historical, cultural, and economic roots that this ancestral drink has in the state.
Olivia Hernández explained that there are records of both the production and consumption of pulque in San Luis Potosí since the end of the sixteenth century, particularly from 1592, when Tlaxcalan groups founded the Tlaxcala neighborhood, also known as Tlaxcalilla, one of the first settlements in the then-nascent city.
These people were brought from the center of the country as part of a control strategy against the huachichiles, an indigenous group recognized for its warrior character, which complicated the process of conquest in the region.
This cultural influence, he said, boosted the consumption of pulque and allowed San Luis Potosí to consolidate itself as a significant production area, especially in municipalities such as Mexquitic de Carmona, Ahualulco, Soledad de Graciano Sánchez, Moctezuma, Venado, and Charcas.
This network of localities in the north of the state favored that, since the sixteenth century, the elaboration and commercialization of pulque were deeply rooted in the daily life of the Potosí territory.
Olivia pointed out that, in the beginning, women sold pulque along the royal roads, although with the passage of time, they were relegated to the Mascorros square, which gave rise to the transition to more formal sales spaces.
While men were in charge of production in the countryside, it was women who integrated pulque into urban dynamics, becoming the main managers of the spaces of coexistence in popular neighborhoods.
Not only did they commercialize the drink, but they also created true social shelters that were essential for the community life of the capital of Potosí.
Regarding the role of the maguey, the interviewee stressed that this plant has been an axis of resistance in the Potosí desert.
In the economic sphere, it supported large haciendas such as Peñasco and Bocas, but its importance goes beyond production.
In the homes, especially, women took advantage of every part of the maguey: the fiber for medicinal uses, the insect as food, and other derivatives that made it the center of the family economy.
The predominant maguey in the region is agave, characteristic of the Potosí Altiplano region and a fundamental pillar in the history of the state.
Since pre-Hispanic times, even with nomadic and semi-nomadic groups, the huachichiles already used this plant to obtain food, fiber, mead, and later, pulque.
With the arrival of the Spaniards, its use was maintained and expanded, first for pulque production and then for the distillation of mezcal, especially during the economic boom of the Porfiriato.
Although in the twentieth century the production of pulque decreased due to competition with other beverages, Olivia pointed out that in municipalities such as Mexquitic de Carmona, a solid pulque and mezcal tradition persists, considered today part of the cultural and intangible heritage of the state.
SLP with mezcal designation of origin
San Luis Potosí has a designation of origin for mezcal, whose raw material is also agave salmiana, which reinforces the economic relevance of maguey for both pulque and distillates.
In addition to generating rural jobs and being an engine of development for the highlands, the maguey has an integral use: its leaves are used for barbecue, quiote, and flower as food, it serves as fodder for livestock, and functions as a living fence, protecting soils and favoring sustainable agriculture practices in arid areas.
Regarding the ancestral practices that are still preserved, Olivia explained that techniques such as the capping and scraping of the maguey continue to be carried out with traditional tools such as the scraper and the acocote, in processes that maintain an almost ritual character.
Although the materials have evolved from leather to vats made of plastic, fiberglass, steel, or clay, the essence of the process remains intact.
Caping consists of preventing the growth of the yeast to concentrate the sugars in the mead, while scraping allows its daily extraction.
Subsequently, the liquid is deposited with the necessary yeast to start fermentation.
Also, the expert Olivia Hernández recalled that, for centuries, not only natural pulque has been consumed, but also cured, a practice documented even in eighteenth-century recipe books.
As for the flavor, he explained that Potosí pulque is lighter and less sweet than that of the center of the country, because it comes mostly from wild maguey trees that grow in mineral soils and arid climates, which gives it its own identity linked to the desert and the highlands.
Rescue and resignification of pulque
Finally, he acknowledged that the main challenges for the pulque guild have been social stigma, the historical criminalization of pulqueras, the drought associated with climate change, and unfair competition with industrialized beverages.
Even so, he assured that pulque is currently undergoing a process of rescue and resignification, especially among the new generations, who recognize it as a symbol of identity, food sovereignty, and cultural resistance.
From projects such as Coneja de la Luna, she said, they seek to retake the historical role of women as guardians and disseminators of the pulque culture, opening spaces for dialogue, learning, and memory that dignify a deeply Potosi tradition.
Source: El Universal San Luis Potosi
