At least between Monday and Tuesday, the presence of agents from the National Migration Institute (INM) was highly visible at several maquiladora plants in this city.
According to sources within the manufacturing industry, this was an unusual operation. Inspections are common, but not on the scale of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), with a massive presence of agents.
While the majority of employees are Mexican—a fact we know is due to low wages—thousands of foreign workers, all in executive positions, also work in the manufacturing sector.
Between Monday and Tuesday, agents arrived near several maquiladoras in three or even four vans, entered the facilities, and no further explanation was given.
Obviously, panic spread among the higher-level staff. Some expressed their uncertainty on social media. Neither company executives nor federal immigration authorities came forward to explain the reason for the operation. It’s common for a couple of agents to review the status of foreign personnel every six months to ensure their immigration status remains in order, but it’s unusual for large numbers of agents to arrive in several vehicles used for the “appointment” of undocumented immigrants.
Eight months after the historic signing to acquire the land, April arrives with high expectations generated by Javier Gómez Ito, head of the Paso del Norte Trust. And why not, since the first of several tenders for the construction of the Ciudad Juárez Convention Center is expected to be issued in the coming weeks.
The promise that has been on the minds of Juárez business leaders for years—even decades—has important deadlines to meet starting now.
The first tender—of at least three, covering everything from structural engineering to finishing work—is scheduled for the end of April; construction is slated to begin in June, barring any unforeseen circumstances. So the leveling, earthworks, and foundation preparation work begin, marking the start of a flow of some 700 million pesos, including funds already in the trust and state contributions eagerly awaited by the builders, who are rubbing their hands together at the prospect of so many zeros on the, until now, imaginary checks.
Those who have participated in the trust since its inception, with no other interest than to finally see the project completed, assure us that they are waiting for the first sign that the work will actually begin, after the factors that have kept it stalled for years. Changes in administration, political disputes, conflicting interests, failed site selections, and that phenomenon so typical of politics—announcing things before having any certainty—have left more than a few with a degree of skepticism. However, there is more hope than in the past for the path that Gómez Ito has managed to chart, with the support of the administrations of Maru Campos and Cruz Pérez Cuéllar, a process that becomes more complex as election season approaches.
The proposed path seems institutional: bidding under the Public Works Law, state oversight, a clear initial investment, and a commitment to completion within two years. All well and good, all under the logic of the city’s best interests. But when politics is behind the concrete of major projects, there are always risks.
In short, it could be said that the countdown truly begins today; let’s hope for the best possible results.
It was Rossana Díaz, ultimately, who provided the “broad consensus” that the PAN caucus coordinator, Alfredo Chávez, had announced, finally securing the appointment of Ada Miriam Aguilera Mercado as the first president of the State Human Rights Commission.
The Morena party representative from Juárez turned her back on her caucus, coordinated by Cuauhtémoc Estrada, whose members displayed, one by one, the ballots they used to vote in yesterday’s session of the State Congress.
With this, Díaz effectively sold out her support to the PRI-PAN majority in the legislature and closed the door on her parliamentary group, which constantly ends up fragmented or, at the very least, disunited after political episodes that expose its weaknesses.
By not following the abstention tactic used by the other 11 legislators coordinated by Estrada, the Juárez representative seems to have sealed her fate. It must have been profitable for her because her vote broke the deadlock in a political battle that had lasted more than a year over control of the autonomous body.
She is the new Adriana Terrazas. She is a replica, nothing more, nothing less.
Before celebrating Chihuahua’s exports, it’s worth taking a closer look at what’s really behind the figures.
During 2025, the state’s maquiladora industry imported inputs worth 769.769 billion pesos, equivalent to almost 43 billion dollars at an exchange rate of 18 pesos to the dollar.
This is a significant figure: it reveals that a large part of the export sector depends directly on materials, parts, and components from abroad. In other words, what is later counted as “exports” largely begins as temporary imports.
The contrast becomes even clearer when looking at the fourth quarter of 2025. While net exports from the state of Chihuahua were reported at 33 billion dollars, maquiladora inputs worth around 10.5 billion dollars were imported during that same period.
This doesn’t even take into account the export value, which is inflated because it’s a finished product.
In simple terms, at least one out of every three dollars exported has its immediate origin in imported inputs.
This doesn’t invalidate industrial activity, but it does significantly qualify the narrative of export success: it’s not about the complete generation of local value, but rather a transformation process within global supply chains.
The problem isn’t the maquiladora industry itself, but the interpretation of export results. Presenting raw figures without considering their imported content leads to an inflated perception of economic performance.
Chihuahua does export, and a lot, but it exports largely what it previously imported. The difference—the true local added value—is considerably smaller, and that’s where the public discussion should focus: on how much value actually stays in the region and how sustainable a model that structurally depends on external inputs really is.
Of the elections for judges and justices in 13 states, 10 will be held concurrently with the constitutional elections.
Due to the complexity of the process, interesting positions have already emerged.
Alfonso Ramírez Cuéllar, the Morena party’s deputy coordinator in the Chamber of Deputies, proposes postponing the judicial elections to June 2028. Justice Yazmín Esquivel agrees with this proposal but adds that the renewal of judicial positions should not be total and immediate, but rather phased, during a transition period between 2025 and 2037. This is a discussion that will likely continue for some time because the issue is complex; It’s not just a matter of “give me another one”… But it’s definitely coming…
Beyond any political speculation or suspicion, the proposal circulating in the Chamber of Deputies sounds interesting. It would grant companies with dual training contracts—that is, those employing young interns—a 25 percent tax incentive on their annual Income Tax.
The scheme is that, upon formalizing a Dual Training Contract, the young person gains certified experience while studying, receives compensation that supports their family, while the companies create a talent pool tailored to their needs.
The technical details are still pending, but in general, the project contemplates modifications to the Federal Labor Law to recognize the dual training contract, defined as a special learning modality that links academic instruction with professional practice in economic units.
Regarding the Income Tax Law, the legislators propose that employers with these types of contracts be granted a 25 percent tax credit on expenses related to dual training and company mentors.
One might think the initiative comes from Morena, but it is actually being promoted by a group of federal deputies from the PAN party and is based on the fact that 67 percent of companies in Mexico report difficulties filling vacancies due to a skills shortage.
If they don’t view it with suspicion, they have no grounds for objection.
Source: diario
