Amidst the political noise surrounding the important decisions that the Congress of the Union will have to make in the coming weeks, a deafening sound begins to emerge, the epicenter of which is located in the southeast of the country, to be more specific in the State of Chiapas.
Among the many problems that the elected president, Claudia Sheinbaum, will inherit in the political, economic and social spheres, the humanitarian crisis unleashed in some towns in Chiapas stands out, which are caught in the crossfire between criminal groups seeking to take control of the region in a conflict that could escalate with the participation of new actors.
Since January 1st, the 30th anniversary of the emergence of the indigenous movement in the region, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) has reappeared stealthily with the publication of different messages in which it expresses its dissatisfaction with the state of things and in which it is absolutely critical of the leadership established by President Andrés Manuel López Obrador and his ineffective security policy.
The now subcommander Marcos, today demoted to captain by his own decision, once again took pen and paper (or rather his old computer) to make his troubles public, a collection of seven letters, and those missing, during the month of August. In them, Marcos not only expresses his concern for the inhabitants of Chiapas but for the progress of the entire nation, where he does not distinguish differences between PRI, PAN, and now Morena governments: “it does not matter how much they have, they always want more”; “the government does not seek support, but complicity”; “What is at stake is not the autonomy of judges, but who runs the business of buying and selling justice.” Relentless sentences that offer us the same view, but from another point of view.
And it is not that the Zapatista movement threatens to take up those old wooden weapons with which it started a movement that turned the entire Salinas administration upside down. It is that old thermometer that was kept hidden that reminds us that things are not as good as we think, that despite the much vaunted social programs there are entire regions of the country that not only have not received justice, but that remain far from any form of protection from the State, extensive areas dominated by criminal groups that control everything.
The municipalities of Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Berriozábal, Ocozocoautla, Chiapa de Corzo and Suchiapa are in the crosshairs of criminals because they are strategic centers for their operations. Between January and July the number of intentional murders on the southern border practically doubled. Residents of the Motozintla, Amatenango, Frontera Comalapa, Chicomuselo and Jaltenango corridors are under siege and no one, neither the federal nor local authorities, is doing anything to remedy the situation.
The breeding ground for an insurrection of unpredictable characteristics is beginning to form, but which would not be good for the country in any way. The president-elect would do well to defuse a time bomb that could explode in her hands.
Judicial reform: can the Green Party provide the solution?
Criticism and warnings against judicial reform have been rapidly escalating to international levels as the start of the sessions of the LXVI Legislature approaches and the impetus to push it forward is maintained, both by the current president and the next one, as well as by the legislators.
With a weakened opposition and business organizations that are complacent and timid – except for Coparmex – and seeing that the combativeness of the employees of the Judicial Branch is not enough, the issue escalated to an international level, first with warnings from rating agencies and banks, then with pressure from the private sector on the government of Joe Biden, which was finally reflected in the letter from the US ambassador Ken Salazar last Thursday.
Both López Obrador, who is leaving, and Claudia Sheinbaum, who is arriving, are convinced that electing judges, magistrates and ministers is the best idea to reform the Judicial Branch. While it is true that there are many interests behind the current justice administrators, it is also not clear that those elected by selection and popular vote are exempt from this or are better than the current ones.
The proposal has been seasoned with review committees, exams, letters of recommendation and even raffles; but it is not convincing. It continues to be seen as what it is: an assault on the independence of the Judiciary in order to make it more convenient, thus losing the balance of powers.
López Obrador is excited that his Plan C will be approved as he planned, and he is finally leaving in October. Sheinbaum is the one left to deal with the problems, she has no other choice. If the president-elect or her party requests, or the Morena deputies decide, that the approval of the initiative be postponed for whatever reason, it will be giving in to the powers that be, even if this implies disastrous consequences and a difficult and unnecessary start to the six-year term.
That is when, in times of supposed overrepresentation, a party with principles like the Green Party could come forward and ask to return the initiative to commissions to review it, enrich it or improve it, in exchange for its vote in favor – without which there is no qualified majority – and thus delay approval and, at least, take away a turbulent start to the six-year term for Sheinbaum, without the president and her party appearing to have given in to pressure.
However, things do not seem to be going that way. Experience tells us that it is precisely in chaos and under pressure that López Obrador knows how to move best to take advantage. It remains to be seen whether Sheinbaum is also good at playing like this.
Source: mundoejecutivo
