But let’s turn to the family, because that’s where the story gets even murkier. Guadalupe del Carmen Ávila, Alito’s wife, is officially a homemaker; she has no registered job and no company officially in her name. However, it turns out she owns shares in two different companies, companies that coincidentally received contracts from the Campeche government when Alito was governor.
Construction, service, and consulting firms—all received millions in contracts, and all have the governor’s wife as the majority shareholder. And when prosecutors raided the house, they found documents, contracts, bank transfers—all the paperwork connecting these companies to Alito’s government, all the evidence showing how the scheme worked: the government awarded contracts to his wife’s companies.
The companies charged inflated prices, and the money went back to the Moreno family. It’s basic money laundering. It’s corruption 101, but perfectly documented. And then there are the children. Alejandro Moreno Ávila, the eldest son, is 28 years old. He officially works for a tech company, but he owns an apartment in Polanco valued at 12 million pesos. He drives a brand-new BMW.
He has watches that cost more than most Mexicans earn in 10 years. And when asked where the money comes from, he says it’s from his job and investments. What investments? He can’t specify. What job pays him so much? He can’t explain. His 25-year-old daughter, María Guadalupe Moreno Ávila, is even more shameless.
She has a public Instagram account and uses it to show off. Trips to Europe, Hermès bags, Lubuten shoes, incredibly expensive restaurants in Miami, New York, and Paris. Everything is documented, everything is photographed, everything is tagged with hashtags like #blessed and #LivingMyBestLife, with no apparent shame that her father is a public servant accused of corruption, without understanding that each photo is evidence of inexplicable wealth.
And the youngest son, Carlos Andrés Moreno Ávila, 22, studied at extremely expensive private universities, first in Mexico, then in the United States, at a university that costs $70,000 a year. Where did that money come from? Supposedly from his father’s public servant salary, a salary that has never exceeded 150,000 pesos a month.
Do the math; it doesn’t add up in the slightest. And all of them were mentioned in the raids, not because they are criminals themselves, but because they are beneficiaries, because they live off stolen money, because they enjoy luxuries bought with public funds. And although they may not be legally responsible, morally they are accomplices, they are part of the system, they are the ones who benefited while the people of Campeche suffered.
And the shell companies they found are a scheme worthy of study. Because Alito wasn’t so foolish as to put everything in his own name. He was more cunning; he created a network of companies that own other companies, corporations with shareholders that turn out to be other companies—a corporate labyrinth designed to conceal the ultimate beneficiary. But the prosecutors followed his trail, documenting every connection, every transfer, every level of the structure, and discovered that the ultimate beneficiary of 23 different companies is the Moreno family, directly
or indirectly, through cousins, nephews, and close friends acting as front men. An entire ecosystem of corruption where each family member played their part, where each company had its function, and where, in the end, all the money flowed to the same place: Alito and his family’s accounts.
And in Guadalajara, they raided a property registered to Claudia Moreno, Alito’s sister—a two-story house in an exclusive area valued at 15 million pesos. Officially, she’s a teacher, an elementary school teacher with a salary that doesn’t even reach 20,000 pesos a month. So, how does she own a 15 million peso house? The answer is obvious.
And when the prosecutors entered, they found documents showing transfers from the shell companies to her account. They found that she was part of the scheme, that she received money regularly, that she was another link in the money laundering chain. And in Mérida, they raided the property of Alito’s cousin, Roberto Cárdenas, who is officially a businessman, but owns three properties valued together at more than 30 million pesos, and the records show that those properties were bought with money that came from the same shell companies. It’s the same pattern, the same
strategy: using family members to hide assets, to disperse the stolen wealth, to make it harder to trace. But the investigators traced it because they were meticulous, because they reviewed years of transactions, because they followed every lead and put together a complete map. An organizational chart that shows how the whole system worked, how Alito at the center controlled everything, how each family member had their role, how each company had its purpose, and how everything was designed to steal public money and hide it. And Omar García
Harfud, in his press conference after the raids, presented that organizational chart, projected it on a large screen, and was very clear. He explained step by step how it worked, showed the companies, the family members, the transfers, and said, “This isn’t common corruption, this is organized crime.
This is a criminal organization dedicated to systematically plundering public resources.” And we are going to prosecute everyone involved. He specifically used the term organized crime. Because we’re not talking about an official who pocketed a commission; we’re talking about a sophisticated operation, with a structure, with multiple participants, with money laundering, with shell companies, with the use of front men—everything that characterizes organized crime.
And that changes everything legally because the punishments are much greater, because the penalties are more severe. Yida Sansores added specific data from Campeche. She said that during Alito’s administration, between 2015 and 2021, more than 3 billion pesos were embezzled. Three billion pesos that came from the state budget and went to these shell companies—money that should have been used for development, infrastructure, and public services, but instead ended up in the accounts of the Moreno family.
It ended up paying for mansions, yachts, private beaches, trips, and luxuries, and he showed brutal comparisons. He showed photos of Alito’s private beach next to photos of schools in Campeche without roofs. He showed Alito’s yacht next to communities without drinking water. He showed the mansions next to hospitals without equipment.
The contrast was obscene, it was visual, it was impossible to ignore. And the people of Campeche who saw this were furious because they lived through that six-year term. They saw the broken promises. They suffered the lack of services, and now they see where the money went. Now they understand why there was no budget. Because Alito was stealing it.
Because he was building his personal empire with public funds. And social media in Campeche exploded. People sharing images of the raids, people crying with rage, people saying they always knew but had no proof. People demanding that Alito pay, that he return everything, that he face full justice. And here come the absolute contradictions, because Alito always presented himself as a man of the people, as someone who came from a humble family, as a politician who understood the needs of ordinary people. His entire
discourse was built around that image, the committed public servant, the simple man who works for his state. But the images of the raids completely destroy that narrative, because there is nothing humble about having a private beach, nothing simple about owning yachts and mansions, nothing about a public servant in stealing 3 billion pesos. It’s a complete lie, it’s pure theater.
It’s the exact opposite of what he preached, and his family played along too. His wife gave interviews talking about family values, hard work, and effort, while all the while living in mansions bought with stolen money. The children posted photos with motivational messages about achieving their dreams, yet their dreams were financed by their father’s corruption.
It’s hypocrisy in its purest form. It’s living a complete lie. It’s presenting a public image that is the exact opposite of their private reality. And when those two realities collide, when photos of mansions are juxtaposed with speeches of humility, the contrast is grotesque. And here’s the brutally ironic take: Alito always attacked the corruption of others.
So, to recap this obscene display of corruption: One. García Harfud and Leida Sansores coordinated simultaneous raids on eight properties belonging to the Moreno family, uncovering completely unjustifiable, multi-million-dollar luxuries. Two. Alito owns an illegal private beach, yachts, and mansions valued at hundreds of millions, all purchased with embezzled public funds. Three.
His wife, Guadalupe del Carmen, and their three children lived in total opulence, financed by systemic corruption and shell companies. Four. A network of 23 shell companies registered in the names of family members was discovered, laundering money stolen from the Campeche government. And five, the 3 billion pesos embezzled that should have been used for Campeche’s development ended up in the Moreno family’s personal empire.
What do you think? Should Alito’s family also face charges, or only him? Should the properties be sold and the money returned to Campeche? How should this level of familial corruption be punished? Leave your comments below. If this analysis helped you understand the magnitude of the looting, give it a like. If you want to continue seeing every discovery from the raids and every step of the legal process, subscribe and turn on notifications.
Share because everyone needs to see how far this family went. And don’t miss the next video where I’ll show, property by property, with photos, values, and documents, everything the Moreno family stole. I’ll show you the complete inventory of luxuries. I’ll show you the children’s social media accounts. I’ll summarize what was stolen and explain exactly how each shell company operated.
Source: leer.cutetopin
