- In Tlaxcala, parties change, but governments do not
- The long-standing rule of the PRI, PRD, PAN, and Morena
- The INE appoints a newcomer for the elections
Whether with the PRI.
With the PRD.
With the PAN.
Or with the PRI reconverted into Morena, the people of Tlaxcala do not win.
For more than half a century, five families have governed, and those five families or their heirs have agreed to remain loyal to the movement of Andrés López.
Here is an illustrative fact:
At the end of 2005, representatives of that political elite met at a ranch belonging to Alfonso Sánchez Anaya to decide how to act in the 2006 elections.
They agreed to join the movement of the man from Macuspana, Tabasco.
This was the culmination of a process that began in the 1970s with Governor Emilio Sánchez Piedra, who at that time promoted a young woman who was very close to him.
He made twenty-year-old Beatriz Paredes Rangel leader of the League of Agrarian Communities and president of the Congress of the State of Tlaxcala.
He then promoted her to federal deputy, in which capacity she received the backing of José López Portillo, who chose her as president of the Chamber of Deputies, and she thus responded to his presidential report in 1979.
Next, Miguel de la Madrid gave her different administrative positions, and in 1987 he sent her as a candidate for governor, until 1992, when Carlos Salinas appointed her secretary general of the PRI.
Since then, she has never ceased to be one of the main actors in the dominant group responsible for choosing the candidates of the tricolor, yellow, blue, or burgundy parties to govern her state.
THEY CHANGE PARTY LABELS, NOT GOVERNMENTS
This is how ten governors have been promoted.
If anything, two of them arrived through other paths —Antonio Álvarez Lima, a friend of Carlos Salinas, and Marco Antonio Mena, chosen by Mariano González Zarur— and do not bear that mark, but in the end they were accepted by the clan.
Today, Tlaxcala faces a dilemma.
Either it accepts impositions from the Government Palace, or it breaks away in order to change the political class and steer public affairs toward a better future.
It is a fundamental issue.
Because the official candidate of the dominant power group is Alfonso Sánchez García, son of Alfonso Sánchez Anaya, whom López Obrador promoted to governor as a member of the PRD in 1998.
Supporters of his contender, Ana Lilia Rivera, accuse Governor Lorena Cuéllar of placing herself at the head of the campaign and breaking the principle of fairness in Morena’s internal contest.
In support of their complaint, they present videos showing operators leaving the Government House to distribute propaganda, paint walls, and promote social programs in the name of Sánchez García.
They also circulate images showing public events being organized to award scholarships or inaugurate projects —small ones, since no one can point to major projects— along with the government voice saying:
—It was Alfonso’s initiative.
The electoral authority sees none of this, but it has sanctioned Senator Ana Lilia Rivera, who seeks to break the perfect dictatorship in Tlaxcala.
With apologies to Mario Vargas Llosa for using his expression.
A NEWCOMER FOR THE ELECTIONS
On another matter:
The electoral authorities —INE and TEPJF— gave Guadalupe Taddei full powers, and she uses them as she pleases in the institute’s appointments.
Yesterday, she placed in charge of the upcoming electoral process the person who will be responsible for organizing, supervising, and guaranteeing the peaceful and proper development of election day.
As acting head, Roberto Carlos Félix is already carrying out these duties, replacing Claudia Arlett Espino.
It would be of little significance, except for two circumstances: his personal closeness to Taddei and his arrival just hours before the 2027 electoral process begins, when extensive experience is required.
Source: mexico.quadratin
