Amid escalating violence in the state of Colima, an aunt and a cousin of the Secretary of Public Education and former national leader of the Morena party, Mario Delgado, were murdered on Saturday, January 31.
An armed group entered their home and shot them multiple times. The two women sold food and pastries from their residence. The alleged assailants were located hours later and, according to the official report, were killed in a shootout.
The report indicates that the police located—with surprising speed—one of the vehicles used in the attack, and that after the confrontation with the alleged assailants, they found the clothing they wore during the attack, as well as the sledgehammer they used to break down the doors.
Just last October, two weeks after giving birth, the former mayor of Cuauhtémoc, Gabriela Mejía Jiménez, was shot and killed in the street. A few days later, a mid-level Jalisco Cartel operative was arrested. He was involved with an execution cell operating in Colima and Villa de Álvarez, whose modus operandi is the dismemberment and transport of bodies in private vehicles.
The truck loaded with explosives that killed five people in Coahuayana, Michoacán, originated in Colima.
Executions in public places have become commonplace. On December 15, Efraín Medina Valenzuela, the former director general of intelligence for the Public Security Secretariat, was murdered in one of the busiest areas of the capital. A few days earlier, Heriberto Morentín Ramírez, the undersecretary of operations for Colima, was attacked.
In just a few days, four restaurants whose owners refused to pay extortion money have been set on fire. One of them, El Atracadero, had been in business for 30 years. The burning of vehicles and homes for the same reasons is constant.
Under the administration of Indira Vizcaíno, a member of the Morena party, disappearances have skyrocketed by 27.90 percent in a single year. Robberies of businesses have increased by 26 percent; robberies of pedestrians, by 18 percent; and robberies with violence, by 17 percent.
The discovery of clandestine graves and clandestine airstrips has flourished under the governor’s leadership. Internal power struggles within the Jalisco Cartel are no longer confined to the streets: INEGI data shows that the perception of insecurity has risen by 25 points in ten years. Colima is one of the most dangerous cities in the country: 8 out of 10 people disapprove of Vizcaíno’s administration and live in fear due to the steadily deteriorating perception of safety.
Just a few days ago, on January 16, a couple and their three-month-old baby were gunned down in the Residencial Primavera neighborhood. The federal government boasted of the arrest of 54 criminals during Operation Sailfish. The results are laughable: they seized two handguns, 18 bladed weapons, 12 bags of marijuana, a pellet gun, 54 rounds of ammunition, 4 magazines, 8 properties, 11 cell phones, 7 cars, 6 motorcycles… and 268 doses of methamphetamine.
At the end of last year, it was revealed that the Michoacán Plan, launched by the president of Mexico, which deployed 10 soldiers to that state, had left Colima unprotected.
Manzanillo was one of the ports where the fuel theft scandal erupted, a scheme operated by high-ranking Navy officers, and whose corruption, according to the case file, even implicated Adán Augusto López and one of the sons of former President López Obrador.
As has been emphasized for years, Mario Delgado is one of the Mexican officials under scrutiny by the United States government, whose agencies have investigated the financing of several Morena political campaigns with money from fuel theft (huachicol), delivered by businessman Sergio Carmona when Delgado led the ruling party.
One of the beneficiaries of that financing was none other than the governor of Colima, Indira Vizcaíno.
Sergio Carmona was a loquacious man who often boasted about the money he had handed over and the business deals he was going to secure. He was killed to silence him once the United States government began tracking him. This happened after the 2021 elections in which, in addition to him, various organized crime groups financed and supported the candidates of Andrés Manuel López Obrador.
Among those involved are several of the drug traffickers that the Mexican government handed over to Donald Trump’s administration. Some of them were members of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel and operated in the port of Manzanillo, along the Colima-Nayarit corridor. According to experts consulted, a message or possible revenge from these groups should not be ruled out in the regrettable attack on the secretary’s family.
Source: eluniversal
